“Who would care?” The Plight of the Gulf Victim

By  Anshul Nadendla    12/20/24

     “If we come home, it means debts. If we work there, it means hardship. These are our circumstances.”

                            – Durgaya, 38

      Durgaya, unable to find work in his hometown of Jagtial, India, journeyed to Dubai in search of work in 2016. While there, he worked arduously as a gardener for a beachfront resort. Although he was promised 30,000 rupees per month, Durgaya received no wages. Once he returned home, he faced crushing debt from the 90,000 rupee loan he took out to pay the broker that got him to Dubai. 

      Durgaya is one of numerous ‘Gulf victims’, a term for the impoverished and unskilled Indian laborers who have suffered at the hands of the Gulf migration process. 

      In every step of these migrants’ journeys – leaving rural India, experiencing the challenges of traveling illegally and working in straining jobs upon arrival in their host nation – these men and women are exploited. This phenomenon occurs primarily for two reasons: the glaring lack of education among these laborers, as well the obstructive disconnect that exists between this group and the government institutions created to serve them.

      In recent years, Indian authorities have made major strides towards addressing this issue. Yet, there remains work to be done.

      Through conversations with victims and Indian officials in state, federal and foreign offices, it is evident what the government must do: provide resources that educate Indian Gulf migrants and engender trust among them for their government institutions. Such initiatives will prevent the next generation of ‘Gulf victims.’

       How We Got Here 

      In the 1970s, amid economic diversification, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – a group constituted of nations including Oman, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait – needed to expand its workforce to meet growing demand. The region’s employers made up for this deficit by drawing in migrants, specifically unskilled ones. These laborers were primarily from India and other populous South Asian nations.  

      With the influx of unskilled and non-Arab migrants, the GCC began to implement the Kafala system – an archaic and abusive labor framework historically employed by many Arab nations. The system tied a migrant’s residency in a host nation to a specific kafeel, or sponsor, making the kafeel the legal guardian of the laborer. Many kafeels acted independently from their government with minimal oversight. With this discretion, these kafeels abused the Indian migrants under their supervision.

      Migrants have also had to contend with another nefarious actor: a class of brokers that have emerged, ostensibly to facilitate the migration process for laborers in India. These ‘agents’ travel to rural villages that are exodus hotspots, form close connections with potential migrants and facilitate their journeys to the Gulf. These brokers were and have remained incredibly corrupt, self-serving and malfeasant. Unskilled laborers in these rural areas, because of their desperate financial situation, are often easily manipulated by these middlemen.

      Due to international backlash in recent years, Gulf nations have moved to legally undermine the Kafala system to some extent. Nevertheless, the issues at hand have not dissipated. Indeed, because of the brokers, the atrocities that these migrants experience are not the conditions of a bygone era. 

      Stories from the Victims

     To understand these continuing struggles, I spoke with male Gulf returnees in the rural area of Jagtial, Telangana, as well as with women from rural Andhra Pradesh who either have been to the Gulf or are planning to go soon.

      Malesh, 39, ventured to Saudi Arabia in 2012 under an azad visa – an illegitimate visa provided by brokers to unskilled Indian laborers so that they can reside in various Gulf nations. Malesh is one of many victims who have been tricked by their brokers with an azad visa. 

       Because of that visa’s poor credibility, Malesh found work in hazardous labor camps with malicious overseers. Malesh alleged that the supervisors in one such camp forcefully denied him and his fellow workers the right to practice their Hindu faith. This discrimination was enforced with physical violence.

       “The Saudi sheiks would beat us. Once, we were putting up a photo of God and religious decorations, and we were wearing religious clothes. One guy saw us, and he hit us very badly,” Malesh said.

       He further revealed that such brutality was commonly used as a form of punishment.

      “The headdress that [the sheiks] wear has a spring on it, made of steel, they hit us with that. They would hit us, they could even kill us. They would hit us whenever and wherever, indiscriminately; they are very angry people,” Malesh said.

       Because of the broker who gave him the azad visa, Malesh suffered in a way no one should.

       In other cases, brokers cheat Indian migrants by undermining them financially. Gangaraas, 27, went to various cities in the UAE on three separate journeys. Both the broker at home and the company in the Gulf cheated him every single time. 

      The first time, Gangaraas was told by his broker that his wage abroad would be 1,000 dirhams per month, but he was only given 600 dirhams per month when he arrived. 

      The second time, Gangaraas used a different broker, but this time was given no salary whatsoever, despite him doing the work the Dubai job necessitated.  

      The third time, Gangaraas again used a broker, and he was deceived in a similar fashion to his first journey. 

      Even after being cheated by brokers on three separate occasions, Gangaraas made no indication that he had taken steps to ensure he would not be taken advantage of again. The repetitive cycle he chose to endure may seem like evidence of personal fault, but the issue is instead rooted in the fact that Gangaraas lacked proper resources and tools to avoid the allure of brokers and other traps many migrants fall into.

      After returning to India, having witnessed and experienced human rights violations, manipulation and deception, these migrants are branded and ostracized as ‘Gulf victims.’ 

      This societal designation is not without its consequences. Durgaya spoke of the cases of suicides he has witnessed among those like him, a tragic phenomenon he attributed to the cycle of debt and misfortune that fellow Gulf migrants have suffered:

      “Here [in India] work is troublesome and debts occur, but still no one thinks of going outside. Being unable to settle here, problems arise, and then eventually lakhs of debt pile up. [We think] if we go to the Gulf quickly, we can get more money. But then, fate hits us and something or the other happens. There are people who committed suicide here, and there are also people who committed suicide over [in the Gulf]. A lot of people did so,” Durgaya said.

       In each of these cases, a broker or multiple brokers were primarily culpable in the migrants’ despair.

         The Work of State Institutions

       Recognizing the tumultuous journeys of migrants like Durgaya, several Indian states have since created initiatives to serve them. The Telangana Overseas Manpower Company (TOMCOM) is one such institution. Formed in 2014, TOMCOM has focused largely on bettering the conditions and safety of Gulf-bound migrants in Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and other South Indian states. 

       “The basic aim is to see that there is safe and legal migration. We want to be a place that promotes the things that are useful for safe migration and give the information [to migrants], which is what is lacking,” Ms. Nagabharati Kondareddy, the General Manager of TOMCOM, said.

        One of the most crucial aspects of TOMCOM’s campaign to improve the welfare of Gulf-bound migrants has been its Pre-Departure Orientation Trainings (PDOTs). In these trainings, prospective Gulf migrants are taught essential information such as the dangers of illicit brokers, Arab cultural customs, humanitarian rights guaranteed under international law and Indian resources to contact in the case of emergency. These lessons are given to equip trainees with the knowledge needed for safeguarding their security and liberty. 

        I was able to sit in on one of these sessions. 18 individuals attended; all were women and scheduled for upcoming flights bound for the Gulf. 

       The women in the training professed they were unsatisfied with the unsustainable wages that they received in India and wanted to do better for their families. 

       Asrupa, 31, is struggling with crippling debt, and she was hoping to work in Kuwait for higher wages and a more consistent job.

      “You don’t get much here, right? Some days there is work, other days there isn’t,” Asurpa said.

       This economic motivation was also a prominent rationale for the migrations of the men in Jagtial. Evidently, the financial promise of the Gulf, in contrast to the destitute opportunities their home provides them, is what drives these individuals to journey abroad despite the known risks of doing so.

       Notably, unlike the men interviewed in Jagtial, these women were much better prepared to prevent future maltreatment. Specifically, each woman emphasized that they had not and would not use a broker. That discrepancy results from the informational campaign that the PDOTs have provided, and it shows the clear impact that government action can have on these migrants. 

        Because most are in domestic jobs like housekeeping and childcare, women often find themselves in more intimate and isolated situations with their employers. Due to the structure of the Kafala system, this unique situation makes women more vulnerable to sexual assault or other forms of abuse. Thus, the work of TOMCOM is paramount by keeping these women secure and distant from the ‘Gulf victim’ cycle.

         In addition to the PDOTs, TOMCOM has invested in several awareness campaigns that have supplied both male and female migrants with tangible resources and support. This has fostered an important trust in government authorities among this often marginalized group. Through phone calls, school visits and even WhatsApp alerts, TOMCOM is directly aiding the lives of these Gulf-bound migrants.

        Nevertheless, there remain gaps and inequities that TOMCOM must address. 

        For skilled migrants, for example, TOMCOM gets much more involved. Skilled migrants are provided immersive language training, cultural training, skill training in their migratory process, with TOMCOM serving as a facilitator and agent throughout.

        Unfortunately, unskilled workers do not receive such support. Most saliently, TOMCOM does not act as an agent for unskilled workers, which often leads them to use disingenuous private brokers instead. 

         Dr. Trilok Chandan Goud, a Ph.D. in migratory studies at the University of Hyderabad, criticized 

TOMCOM for this.

        “The government should restrict the agents. The agents are the main [issue]. They are luring these [unskilled] migrant workers and are giving fake promises to them. The government should act like an agent instead. TOMCOM should come forward and give more training based on [Gulf] migration. All private agents are there to make money, if the government is there, the government can take the initiative and send these workers for free,” Chandan said.

         However important their work, the jurisdiction of TOMCOM is still quite limited. Once migrants leave India, TOMCOM is unable to provide for them. This is where the federal government steps in, specifically through the power of the Indian Foreign Service and its diplomatic missions in the Gulf.

           The Work of Federal Institutions

         Dr. Balaji Ramaswamy, the head of Visa and Counseling Services at the Indian Embassy in Abu Dhabi, explained the role of the Abu Dhabi Embassy in protecting the welfare of Indians residing or working in the UAE.

        Specifically, the Abu Dhabi Embassy has created a shelter stocked with supplies and food that can support anyone. It is often utilized by female workers who have run away from their employer due to a situation of harm. 

        The Abu Dhabi Embassy also arranges and funds labor victims’ emergency journeys back to their homes, ensuring their safety from predatory employers. Ramaswamy also highlighted how the embassies in the region often partner with local Indian-ethnic organizations that will raise money for these migrants in ways the resource-limited Indian embassies cannot. 

       Ramaswamy did acknowledge, however, that all embassies are legally restricted to their own plot of land. This means that embassies, and all such diplomatic missions, cannot go out to ensure labor welfare; it must be the migrants themselves coming to the embassies.

       Because of this restraint, it behooves Indian embassies in the Gulf to ensure Indian nationals are able and willing to reach out to their respective embassies if their circumstances demand it. Yet as it stands, there is a disconnection between embassies and unskilled workers.

      This disconnect was vivid across my conversations in Jagtial, where every man but two felt serious hesitancy towards working with an embassy and its services.

      Some migrants, such as Malesh, simply had a preconceived notion that embassies were inherently ineffective.

       “We in India don’t even pay heed to our own problems, if I told anyone about what happened in a different nation, who would care?” Malesh said.

       Malesh, despite the physical violence he endured, never contacted his embassy in Saudi Arabia. Should he have done so, it may have been possible he would have escaped his predicament.

       Durgaya, by contrast, was constrained by a financial barrier. Durgaya was never once able to get to a diplomatic mission during his troubling time in Dubai. 

      “If I go to the Indian Embassy, there’s a whole different process, and I didn’t have money. To get to the Indian Embassy from [the labor camp], it would cost around 120 dirhams. I didn’t have the money to go by taxi, and that’s why I didn’t go,” Durgaya said. 

       What Needs To Be Done

      It is clear what the Indian government must do to better serve unskilled Indian migrants vulnerable in the Gulf migration process. 

      At the state level, TOMCOM and agencies like it must continue to disseminate their informational campaigns, but must be careful to ensure they are equally tending to the needs of both skilled and unskilled workers. 

      At the federal level, the embassies must work proactively to dismantle the notion among migrants that these are inaccessible institutions unable to meet their needs. Marginalized or impoverished migrants should not regard the embassies as abstract and distant bodies that cannot help them. Physical obstructions, such as the financial incapacity seen in Durgaya’s case, must also be addressed. To do so, embassies must bolster telecommunications, forge greater partnerships with local Indian groups, and proliferate informational efforts.

     Through such action, both state and federal authorities can empower migrants to refuse the entrapments of brokers and escape the plight of the ‘Gulf victim.

Photo Credits: https://www.theguardian.com/football/2018/nov/21/qatar-2022-40-a-week-to-build-the-world-cup-stadiums